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The United States and Biological Warfare: Secrets From the Early Cold War and Korea
by Stephen Endicott and Edward Hagerman, 274 pp, with illus, $29.95, ISBN 0-253-33472-1, Bloomington, Indiana University Press, 1998.
JAMA. 1999;282:1877-1878.
This book is written in the style of an investigative news report. The authors accuse US and Canadian forces of having waged offensive biological warfare by using artificially infected insects as vectors during the Korean campaign. We concede that all major powers have experimented with biological warfare agents.1 However, this book suffers from many defects, specifically the use of anecdotal data that appear questionable when seen in the light of current science. Terms like "encephalitis" and "meningitis" are thrown at the reader without definition.
For example, how were the diagnoses made and what kind of encephalitis or meningitis was encountered? Tick-borne, herpes, and Japanese encephalitis were known to be present in much of Asia for decades prior to the Korean War and had been described as early as 1871.2-3 The flaviviruses causing Japanese encephalitis and dengue fever are transmitted by mosquitoes, are present throughout most of South and Southeast Asia, and are now spreading east and into the South Pacific islands. Hantavirus, responsible for Korean hemorrhagic fever, was there prior to the invasion from the North.4 Scrub and murine typhus have been endemic in much of Asia for as long as medical records have been available. They were a major health problem for Allied troops during World War II and for the British during the Malayan engagement. Plague, largely transmitted to humans by fleas, has been described in literature since antiquity. It has been associated with war, breakdown of sanitation, and migration of populations. It is hard to accept the cited reports, originating in China during the war, that plague was spread by flea-containing bomblets dumped by US Air Force aircraft over the devastated Korean battlefields. It is even harder to believe that spreading ticks or mites, artificially infested with rickettsiae, can cause epidemics of typhus. The authors cite mostly Chinese anecdotal reports that might be convincing to lay persons but hardly to an epidemiologist. Here is one example of "evidence" from the book:
Though plague was endemic in parts of northeast China, none had been reported in Korea since 1912. Until the end of February 1952, contagious diseases such as recurrent fever, smallpox and typhus existed among civilians and in some individuals in the army, according to headquarters of the Chinese army in Korea, but the serious contagious diseases plague and cholera were not found among army personnel or civilians. But a month later, the Chinese army in Korea had diagnosed 16 cases of plague or something similar to plague among its personnel in widely scattered areas. A number of dead or live rats that died suddenly were found and in 3 cases they were diagnosed with plague. In March there were 44 cases of encephalitis and meningitis in the army of which 16 were fatal; 5 cholera cases were discovered near Pyongyang with 3 deaths.
Was this an unusual number of cases in a large army with less than state-of-the-art medical services in an area where all these infections were long endemic? All those diseases also presented threats to armies during World War II and in Vietnam. We now see a resurgence of vivax malaria along the demilitarized zone of Korea as well as scattered cases of hantavirus infection. Is this also biological warfare?
The reviewers have no doubt that the respected aging Chinese scientists interviewed by the authors were true believers in what was once the official party line on biological warfare. None of them had modern training in epidemiology. Chinese medical science, at the time of the Korean War and for at least one decade thereafter, remained isolated from medical advances. It would seem more likely that the appearance of various forms of encephalitis, bacterial meningitis, plague, and cholera on and near the Korean battlefields were natural occurrences and were due to disruption of the social fabric of society, crowding, increased mobility of populations and their pests, breakdown of sanitation, and lack of pest control and adequate medical services.
Virtually every major military power, including the United States, Canada, and Britain, has experimented with and stocked chemical and biological warfare agents in the past.1 Some such efforts go back to antiquity, as when a Polish general catapulted rabid dogs into a beleaguered city and wells were contaminated with dead bodies. Accusing adversaries of using biological weapons has been practiced not only by the Soviets and Chinese. Our government accused the Russians and Vietnamese of dropping trichothecene mycotoxins, derived from Fusarium and related fungi, on Laotian and Cambodian villagers as so-called "Yellow Rain." No proof that this happened was ever produced.5-6 It is, however, established that the Soviets experimented with anthrax bacilli and even stockpiled them as potential weapons. They managed to have at least one accidental exposure of civilians in Siberia that resulted in many deaths.7 Allies also experimented with anthrax spores during 1942 and managed to experimentally contaminate an island off the coast of Scotland, making it uninhabitable for decades thereafter.8 General Shiro Ishi's group in Manchuria experimented extensively in 1940 with insect-bearing microbes. These experiments were of an offensive nature, and the Chinese, who possessed data on the experiments, and the Soviets tried and executed some of the culprits.9 Allied military scientists did indeed study insect-borne bacterial, parasitic, and viral zoonoses and still do. The 406th US Army Medical Laboratory in Japan and later medical researchers of the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization and the Armed Forces Research Institute of Medical Sciences in Bangkok, Thailand, investigated dengue fever, malaria, Japanese encephalitis, plague, rabies, hepatitis, and typhus. Many of their publications led to better prevention and treatment of these diseases.
The authors also allude to a number of insect experiments that do not seem logical, based on the level of knowledge that existed in 1950 as well as today. In many instances, insect vectors of particular diseases are species-specific to the pathogen (one insect species to one pathogen) or to a few closely related ones. Infecting an insect that is not the normal host of a pathogen may result in the pathogen being physically present but the unnatural insect host not being able to transmit it. At other times, the authors refer to reports from Chinese scientists of nonindigenous insects found following mysterious aircraft flights. There was no opportunity to verify those identifications, nor is there any indication of any understanding that the presence of these insects may have been due to less sinister causes.
Alleged examples of insect dispersion during periods when ambient temperatures were below freezing do not make much sense as a cause of epidemics. The authors are not convincing in their discussion of the use of "insect bombs" dropped by Sabre jets traveling at more than 300 mph as effective methods for distributing insects. For most arthropods, the impact alone would result in extensive mortality. How minute chigger mites could have survived the ordeal, survived an environment outside their normal range, and gone on to transmit scrub typhus is hard to conceive. Even the reported logistics of introducing infected mosquitoes do not seem plausible. There is no attempt to logically explain how this could be done. One of the reviewers once attempted to capture mosquitoes with a net, driving a car at 20 to 25 mph: none remained alive. Some of the insects allegedly found were pests of plants and thereby would have little role in the transmission of human disease. Although arthropods and arthropod-borne diseases have shaped military campaigns (eg, Napoleon's Russian campaign), the authors seem to attribute a lot more to the power of artificially reared and distributed arthropods than would seem realistic. That the authors do not include discussions with any US researchers from that era on the work in offensive or defensive biowarfare weakens their arguments. Natural epidemics are common during times of war; blaming an epidemic of dysentery and scattered cases of other human disease on US biowarfare insect research is not convincing.
Disturbing are the rather convincing and not new allegations that US military scientists, with the connivance of American occupation authority, harvested data from criminal Japanese experiments on Chinese and Allied prisoners in Manchuria. No Japanese doctor involved in the Manchurian experiments was ever indicted by Western war crimes courts. US officials must have protected Lieutenant General Shiro Ishi and his senior officers from the hangman, for he lived out his life span as a respected member of the Japanese academic medical community. He most certainly was responsible for hundreds of deaths at the infamous Unit 731 in Manchuria.10
This book makes interesting reading but may only confuse historians studying the Korean campaign, a bloody conventional war that was waged by the United Nations to defend South Korea from an invader who, even now, presents a threat to us all.
Reviewer Henry Wilde, MD
Queen Saovabha Memorial Institute and Chulalongkorn University Bangkok, Thailand
Reviewer Richard N. Johnson, PhD, BCE
Ellicott City, Md
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8. Manchee RJ. Bacillus anthracis on Gruinard Island. Nature. 1981;294:254-255.
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9. Williams P, Wallace D. Unit 731: Japan's Secret Biological Warfare in World War II. New York, NY: The Free Press; 1989.
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Edited by Harriet S. Meyer, MD, Contributing Editor; Jonathan D. Eldredge, MLS, PhD, University of New Mexico, Health Sciences Center Library, Journal Review Editor; adviser for new media, Robert Hogan, MD, San Diego.
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